Posts by brendon

I am a work in progress.

Lee, E-J., & Sundar, S. S. (2009). Human-computer interaction. In C. R. Berger, M. E.Roloff, & D. R. Roskos-Ewoldsen (Eds.), The Handbook of Communication Science (2nd ed.) (pp. 507-523). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications. 

Main Arguments:

  1. When the computer is viewed as a source (CAS), people respond socially to the technology itself.
  2. When the computer is viewed as a medium, users’ social responses are not directed towards the technology but are affected by it.

1.0 What is Human-Computer Interaction (HCI)

  • HCI is an interdisciplinary field.
  • It investigates how people think about the human-machine interaction, and
  • is concerned with the factors that can improve the usability of computer systems.

 

2.0 The Social-behavioral approach to HCI / “soft” science paradigm

  • Treat interactions between humans and computers as “conversations”, or to HCI as analogous to human-human conversations.
  • Highlighting the importance of communication-related variables.
  • “Humanise” computers by basing them off human-like attributes such as personality and group membership.
  • (as opposed Management Information Systems (MIS) research, which looks at computers as a tool to an end and stresses implications of implementing technology)
  • Structural interfaces such as modality and interactivity also influence these interactions.

3.0 Computer as Source

  • Computer interfaces with a wide array of social cues such as natural language use, interactivity, human social roles, speech, and anthropomorphic agents
  • Computer as Social Actors (CASA): People automatically treat computers as social actors which evoke in users a wide range of social attributions (the process by which individuals explain behaviours or events or develop causal explanations for outcomes).

3.1 Social responses to communication technology

  • Seeing computers as social actors (humans) we can’t help but apply our social biases onto them if we associate certain attribute with stereotypes
    • E.g. Computers voice assistance that utilises male voice tend to be perceived as more proficient in technical subjects.
  • Personality also affects how people reacted with computers – they tend to respond more positively to computers whose personalities match their own.
    • Personality includes sub-attributes such as level of confidence, assertiveness, submissiveness, introversion and extroversion.
  • Attributes and Personalities are social cues, or triggers, to social scripts associated with them, triggering spontaneous social behaviours grounded in interpersonal relationship.
    • Principle of reciprocity
    • A computer that reveals its vulnerabilities elicited people’s willingness to help more.

3.2 Embodied Agents and Human-Robot Interaction

  • The tendency to anthropomorphize computers is automatically activated.
    • Can be used to predict the level of loyalty people feel towards the computer/robot
  • Factors that affect such phenomena:
    • The degree of resemblance to a human
      • Form (whether it has a face or facial features)
      • Functionality (nonverbal behaviours, like nods and gaze)
    • The perceived degree of autonomy
      • Leads people to ascribe animacy and intentionality to them
  • Implications:
    • Improvements in working relationships
      • Derives more responsibility from the human
      • Creates a stronger bond between human and artificial actors
      • Influences attitude towards the system
    • Realism can be negative as well:
      • Having facial features can hinder performance of user
      • Unrealistic expectations and mismatch
      • Anthromorphic agents may backfire when behaviours fail to map onto user expectations
    • For socially sensitive topics, mechanomorphic interfaces may be better (because it seems neutral

3.3 Why Social Responses?

  • Causes for the inherent socialness of HCI
    • Computer as Proxy / Parasocial account: Users have the software programmer in mind when interacting with the interface, and develop an attachment
    • Lack of understanding of the computer – though there is no correlation as shown by the lack of significant difference with children’s feelings towards computers.
    • Mindlessness: people only focus on the cues and fail of the interaction

3.4 Comparisons between HCI and Human-Human Interaction

  • People are more excited to interact with other humans (as shown in one study).
  • Participants talked more, were more likely to use relationship-oriented statements and reciprocate their partners’ influence attempts when they think of CAS.
  • People adjusted their interpersonal distance

4.0 Computer as Medium

  • Computer as Medium (CAM) means that the computer is viewed as a conduit of content, and not a source (human-like producer).
  • Akin to mass communication

4.1 Intermedia comparisons

  • Use
    • Web displacing television use for entertainment needs.
    • Compulsive use of internet brings about concerns with psychosocial consequences.
    • Internet addiction: individuals who lack self-presentational social skills show markedly greater preference for online social interaction (POSI), resulting in problematic Internet use (PIU)
  • Credibility
    • Individuals seldom pause to check the credibility of the source
    • user motivation and ability predicts critical evaluation of online information credibility
  • Cognitive effects
    • User factors
      • Changing and diverse web behaviours and interaction styles
    • System variables
      • information-processing theories borrowed from cognitive psychology and educational technology research
      • Linear site designs: promotes factual learning

4.2 Variable-Centered approach

  • As technologies mature, common attributes emerge and specifical attributes or variables.
  • Multimedia
    • Transformation from single modality (TV and Radio) has become newer and multiple modality technologies
    • In this field, scholars are interested in how different modalities of interaction with “computer-based media and analyse the cognitive impact of various modalities by altering our processing of underlying content and inducing a sense of presence.”
  • Interactivity: taken to be an attribute of the technology rather than the user.
    • The inclusion of:
      • choice, 2-way conversations, real-time participation, user activity, speed, mapping…
    • Interactivity residing in the process of interaction
    • Significant psychological effects
    • Induce a sense of telepresence

5 Future Trends

  • HCI research will likely to be characterised by efforts to specify the mechanism with these
  • The ability to uncover individual differences.
  • The five meditation of five user perceptions
    • relevance,
    • Interactivity
    • Involvement
    • community
    • and novelty

*Heng, Yee-Kuang, (2013) “A Global City in an Age of Global Risks: Singapore’s Evolving Discourse on Vulnerability” Contemporary Southeast Asia 35(3):423-446.

Yee-Kuang Heng discusses Singapore’s paradoxical move of developing a global city, which, according to discourse on vulnerability, emerged from embedded vulnerabilities, but as a result introduced new vulnerabilities; Its “critical infrastructure,” like “airport, maritime port hub and financial centre,” would bring new “global risks such as pandemics, Weapons of Mass Destruction proliferation, financial contagion and terrorist financing.”

Early notion of vulnerability


Heng argues that vulnerability could be perceived; The use of narrative of vulnerability could be a political rhetoric as it served a strategic purpose of elite legitimisation or policy justification, like “the PAP’s monopoly on power.” The narrative involved Singapore’s shaky relations with its neighbours, about how Singapore is perceived as a “red dot” by Indonesian President Habibie, Indonesia-Malaysia military exercises near Singapore on Singapore’s national day, and reliance on Malaysia for water.

Global City & security need

Singapore adopts a mixture of approaches; Realism and liberal ideas are reflected in its economic diplomacy and defence policies, while social constructivist perspective reveals that norms created also served a security purpose.

Global city is framed as a necessity for survival because Singapore doesn’t have a hinterland – the world is our hinterland.

Global Cities, Global Risks and Global Flows

Heng focuses on the fluidity of ideas and movement of goods, services and people as an avenue for greater risk for disruption. Singapore’s position as a financial hub brings businesses and financial flows into the Island but creates a big target for threats. Aviation also brings the risk of greater spread of diseases; Pandemic such as Ebola (2016), bird flu, SARs (2003), etc. Maintaining security as a maritime hub is difficult because of the volume of shipment is massive and that makes terrorists able to sneak in WMDs

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Bishop, M.L. (2012) “The Political Economy of Small States: Enduring Vulnerability? Review of International Political Economy 19(5): 942-960.

Bishop argues that International Political Economy approach can allow us to understand how Small Island Developing States (SIDS) or micro states each have unique composition of vulnerabilities and limits of agency, and the result of which is a dynamic phenomenon. SIDS employ their ‘creative agency’ in response to their embedded vulnerabilities. These vulnerabilities take many forms, so states adopt different kind of development strategies to overcome them and “grow out of a fundamental vulnerability” and at times lead to a “moment of greater resilience.”

Material approaches fail to define ‘small states’ because each of they do not have common factors (population size, resources, geo-political location, military strength). However, this approach reckons that “attributes of smallest” are “‘proxy’ for numerous other characteristics.”

Vulnerability & Resilience
Bishop argues that economic vulnerability is the “proneness to harm or damage originating from external forces” and resilience is “the ability of an economy to withstand or bounce back from external shock.” He argues that vulnerabilities of small states are inherited from their own material attributes (size, location..); they are vulnerability to global and external shocks and are limited by their own capacity in dealing with them.

Vulnerability only implies a context in which small states must employ a variety of ‘creative’ actions; They use diplomacy, policy initiatives, centralised economic control, and other means that are available to them.

Small states also employ policies to to promote “social cohesion, good governance, [and] ‘sound macro-economic management” so as to ”nurture’ resilience, in ways that are specific to their vulnerabilities.

The actions of small states are also understood in the context of “complex wen of asymmetrical power relations that shape their engagement with international regimes and institutions,” and their development strategies often go beyond resisting and adapting to external influences. They find ways to initiate policies and play a greater role in international organisations.

Chong, Alan (2009) “Singapore and the Soft Power Experience” in Andrew F. Cooper and Timothy M. Shaw (eds.), The Diplomacies of Small States: Between Vulnerability and Resilience, pp. 65-80. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2009. (Chong_Singapore.pdf)

What is soft power?

According to Alan Chong, soft power refers to the ability for states to “get others to want what you want through cooptation or appeal,” and this power can be nurtured. Since small states are easily drawn towards bigger states by their centripetal communitarian forces and overshadowed by the political will of bigger states, they rely on soft power to overcome these vulnerabilities.

Chong argues that soft power is necessary for “attaining small state goals…for a number of reasons that are also characteristics itself”:

 

  1. “Intermestic condition” in national government
    • Government policies react or anticipate changes in the international system
    • Government requires control over or ability to influence civil societies and businesses to act in unison
  2. “Ability to circulate omnidirectionally”
    • Able to achieve long term and widespread influence (not targeting one part of society)
    • Social cohesion
    • Perception of “consistency and credibility”
    • E.g. Propaganda

What is Singapore’s soft power strategy?

  • Origins of soft power
    • Strategic geographic location & an emporium of British colonialism
    • Singapore as an “export outlet of the hinterland of Malay Peninsula”
    • Japanese occupation, Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere & anti-colonial sentiments
    • Emergence of “socialist, democratic, multi-racial and pragmatic” identity from early elite’s push for making government positions the basis of meritocracy
    • Developmental strategy of PAP: “authoritarian corporatism engineered towards building an export oriented industrialised economy.” (Business & investment friendly policies and unions) –> purpose: attracting foreign capital
    • Singapore Model of Development (SMD): Credibility (programs and politicians promote anti-corruption, talent…), Cohesion (teamwork, harmony….), Confidence (paternalistic leadership, law & order…)
    • Diplomats and ministers: “LKY, S. Rajaratnam, Wong Kan Seng, Goh Chok Tong, Kishore Mahbubani, and Tommy Koh served as veritable delivery vehicles for soft power.”
  • Asian Values Debate
    • Issues: Strict media control, Internal Security Act, human rights, illiberal economic practices
    • “Careful calibrated responses”: firm control with accountability to its people
    • Elements of the discourse:
      • “A credible wall against perceived western sermonising on political liberalism in development prognoses”
      • “Galvanising an Asian countries’ political equality with the West after the division of the Cold War”
      • “Assert normatively Asian countries’ political equality  wth the West after the divisions of the Cold War”
    • Caning of Michael Fay in 1994
      • Michael Fay stole street signs and vandalised cars
      • Sentenced to a fine of $3500 and 6 strokes of the cane
      • Clinton plead for clemency
      • Singapore Cabinet reduced the number of stroke to 4
      • US denied Singapore for hosting first WTO ministerial meeting in 1996
      • Later US admited that SMD had its merits
  • Export of Singapore Model of Development
    • Trained “53000 officials from 168 countries” under the Singapore Cooperation Programme (SCP)
    • Transfer of ideas (, skills, bureaucratic practices…)
    • Transfer and influence in ideology and ministerial practices for SMD
    • Socialisation of countries under the Third Country Training Programmes (TCTP) into norms of “a developmental epistemic community”
    • Quantifiable: Involved 88 ministries and doubled its spendings to $346 million
    • Promoted an alternative to western models by aiding others towards building successful SMD
  • Humanitarian aid diplomacy
    • Teamwork and united responses
    • Builds a “community of fate” : Formal acknowledgement by the beneficiary and interaction with its people
    • Articulation of needs and respect for the locals
    • Coordinated the efforts for NGOs through the SAF

Alan Chong (1998) Analysing Singapore’s foreign policy in the 1990s and beyond: Limitations of the small state approach, Asian Journal of Political Science, 6:1, 95-119, DOI: 10.1080/02185379808434117

Alan Chong argues that the limitations of the ‘small state approach’, which follows in the realist tradition, in studying foreign policy as demonstrated in the case of Singapore. The small state approach looks at attributes pertaining to power as an indicator of a state’s foreign policy behaviour. It rest on the notion that small states have relatively less power and are helpless in contributing to international politics. Their behaviours are based on structural and material factors, and as such manage their security by observing the balance of power in the international system – bandwagoning with or balancing against powerful states according to the material factors.

Chong argues that the small state approach is problematic because it does not clearly spell out what criteria (population size, natural resources, land mass) constitutes a small state. Moreover, normatively self-identified  and UN classified ‘micro-states’ have stark differences in land size, GDP, standards of living, politics, demographics and population size.

Changing Policy Terrain:
Moreover, in the 1970s, despite having a small land mass, population size, high economic dependence, friendly policy orientations towards neighbours and pro-western defence orientation, Singapore’s behaviour did not fit the expectation of small state behaviour. Singapore was outspoken in criticising ‘”failures” of non-alignment,’ and intensified “anti-Vietnam criticism at the UN over the former’s invasion of Kampuchea.” Additionally, political leadership played a key role in creating strong business relations with China and Hong Kong, and in economic conferences like WTO Ministerial Conferences.

Instead, Singapore’s foreign policy was better understood by studying the factors that influenced its decision making process: “vulnerability and the sovereignty principle, demography, strategic location and resource base.”

  • Vulnerability and sovereignty principle:
    • Singapore is surrounded by larger neighbours (Malaysia and Indonesia) who have had an abrasive relationship and marked by mutual suspicion
    • The region is caught in superpower rivalry during the Cold War
    • Singapore has been pushing for “tripolar Asia-Pacific security order based on co-operative engagement between the US, China and Japan while pushing for regional accommodative structures (such as the ASEAN Regional Forum”
  • Demography:
    • Majority ethnic Chinese, with sizeable Malay population and an Indian minority
    • LKY’s push for economic expansion “extra-regional entrepreneurship as a path forward for Singaporean businessmen” and safeguarding a multiracial Singapore.
  • Strategic location:
    • Shipping industry
    • Infrastructural development
    • Encouraged MNCs to relocate to Singapore.
    • Complemented the development of other NIE in the region
  • Resource base:
    • English educated workforce
    • Focused on productivity
    • provided management training and technical assistance courses to developing nations

Chong argues that, “The post-Cold War policy terrain for Singapore can thus be seen to justify a curious mixture of developmental strength and confidence, together with continued “small state” vigilance.” Singapore’s strategy has been taking action to overcome inherent vulnerability.

In recognising the growing unpredictability of the post-cold war climate, with multipolarity, new sources of conflicts, rise of liberal economies, and soft security issues, Singapore made three initiatives: 1) “Growing the external wing” 2) “greater integration into multilateral security and economy” and 3) “entry into debate on human rights, values and good governance.”

  1. Growing the external wing
    • “Global City”: Cosmopolitan and free market, and investing into technology parks in the region
  2. Greater integration into multilateral security and economy
    • Leadership roles in international and regional organisations (ARF, APEC, UN)
    • Taking initiatives: Defensive regionalism; military coperation, global economic interdependence;
    • Regional cooperation: bilateral exercises; participating in UN peacekeeping and humanitarian exercises; promoting environmental initiatives;
    • International cooperation: WTO ministerial meetings; Asia-Europe Submits; G-6 Asia-Pacific economic consultative forum
  3. Entry into debate on human rights, values, and good governance
    • Leading the defence for the Asian developmental model
    • Criticised the idealistic and theoretical concerns of the western democracy
    • Caned Michael Fay [1994] to uphold the supremacy of domestic law despite pleas for leniency
    • Defended the dominant one-party system and paternalism on the grounds of Asian values and cultural difference

Alan Chong suggests the use of other frameworks such as

  • Weak state approach, focuses on
    • Relative power
    • “derivative type rather than intrinsic”
    • Soft power
  • Regime theory, focuses on
    • The effects of different regimes and their institutions in decision making
    • Policy entrepreneurship in domestic and international level
    • Management of economy and competitiveness
  • Region-state idea
    • Less fixated on national boundaries and territorial sovereignty but look at international initiatives
    • Four economic ‘Is’ – Investment, industry, information technology and individual consumers”
    • Singapore Inc

Hopf, T. (2010) “The logic of habit in International Relations” European Journal of International Relations 16(4): 539-561.

Hopf discusses how habit accounts for interstate relations and behaviours of states, which is missing in contemporary constructivist accounts. Habits are the “unreflective,” “automatic cognitive process,” “ready-made” responses. According to cognitive psychology, unconscious factors like affect and natural factors like brain structure can influence habitual responses.

He argues that habit comes prior to rational thought. It complements contemporary constructivist view that interstate relations are defined by a deliberate contestation of norms and identity, as in the absence of those deliberate actions, there is less agency, rational and less uncertainty between states.

Habit is an unconscious and non-deliberate factor that creates “stability of patterns” of behaviour between states; Habits perpetuates status quo that can allow actors to, unconsciously, overlook security dilemmas and make cooperation seem possible.

Habits are nurtured through socialisation; We, as individuals, learn from social structures, “instrumental cost-benefit calculations” from “normative standards,” and imitation, and they lead us to acquire habits. Habits are also acquired by and retained through society through a “collective conscience,” and transpire to laws and rules, which gives us an “illusion of agency.”

Habits are maintained in a Darwinian fashion as social structure provide “daily reinforcement of useful and appropriate habits.””They are maintained through use, utility, the absence of challenges, and the physiology of the brain.” Conversely, habits are broken when they encounter obstacles/events and deliberate reflection that alters the existing processes, and subsequently, with sufficient repetition, displaces it.

Practice reveals the process and outcome of the automatic system, and can account for making actions less deliberate. Practice theory merges the randomness of agency and deterministic thinking from firm social structure.

In International Relations, Habit generates social structure “between states, within domestic institutions, and between states and their societies.” Examples of sources of habits include: interstate security communities, and intrastate bureaucracies (cult of defensive). Institutions and executive branch of governments can play a role in shaping identity relations between states.

Habit are irrational and they can contradict rational decision models and game theories about cooperation(e.g prisoner dilemma) by arguing that cooperation is possible because some decisions are made without reflection. Instead the habitualisation of identities create relations, rather than through trust. Security communities, as entities that encourages non-deliberation amidst practice of good will and contracts, create “self-fulfiling prophecies” that stabilise patterns of behaviours and  relations. As much as Habit can create cooperation, it also contributes to the creation of dyads and security dilemma through hostile actions that arise habitually.

The argument for habit is persuasive because human decisions are never purely rational, and it shows how non-deliberate actions can arise. Habits complements practice theory because they reshapes the doxa of state actors. However, in application, identifying habit remains susceptible to selective bias. Absence in actions (practice) also contributes to social order but lacks the focusing event to show for it, and hence may be missed out in the analysis of agency. Habits can be learnt and they are the anti-thesis of learning.

 

 

 

 

The US or China: Who should Singapore lean on?

Definition:

Lean on: Balance of Power + Foreign Policy diplomacy, Economic and Political dependency

Transpacific Partnership (TPP): US pivot to and multilateral engagement in Asia

 

Implications / why is this question important for Singapore:

  • If the geo-political status quo falls apart and tensions between USA-China are high, then who should Singapore lean towards?
  • How would our ASEAN neighbours’ stands impact our stand and behaviour?

 

Debate

“Singapore should lean on United States”

Argument for Global Bandwagoning:

  • US is the strongest and China won’t surpass US military size and economy until 30-40 years time. It is unwise to balance against US as it will exclude Singapore from economic benefits; US pursuing TPP as part of a pivot to Asia and Singapore is part of it.
    • Singapore’s strategic position in Asia makes it beneficial for US to bring Singapore into international dialogue, which will benefit its economic and soft power (education influence).
  • According to the democratic peace theory, US plays no threat towards other democracies like Singapore.

Argument for Regional Balancing:

  • There is a need for Singapore to be a foothold for US to be an external balancer against expansionistic tendencies of China, especially with the South China Sea dispute. Furthermore, Philippines, a former US ally, is turning towards China, which makes US presence in Asia even more necessary.
  • China’s One Belt One Road against the TPP that Singapore is part of.
  • China is likely to be “revisionist power” with “hegemonic ambitions.” (Khong, 1999)

Economic argument:

  • Economic reliance of Singapore, as an export oriented economy.
  • 4000 MNCs in US have focused on Singapore and Asia, and will feel safer with US presence in Singapore/region
  • TPP: covers 40% of the global economy
    • (but will Singapore lose access to TPP? Is it exclusive?)
  • US economy is recovering slowly: modest decrease in unemployment and increase in consumption
  • US offers economic safeguards & instability of the Chinese economy.

Political argument:

  • Singapore’s inherent vulnerability (ethnic Chinese in a muslim neighbourhood; lack of natural resources; small state and military)
  • Good bilateral ties and US friendly foreign policies towards SG & Asia
  • Similar interest in combatting terrorism in Asia, and Jemaah Islamiah in Singapore.
  • Singapore is already leaning towards US as she has strong military and security partnership.

Social argument:

  • China has been insensitive towards multicultural Singapore
    • Its likely for China to only want to champion for Chinese rights
    • China has also been insensitive towards Muslims in China, by putting restrictions on Muslims

 

“Singapore should lean on China”

Regional Bandwagoning:

  • Singapore-China relations at stake
  • Against other Southeast Asian Malay-Muslim states

(Structural Realism &) Global Balancing:

  • USA is still a dominant global power. All the other states should be wary of US’s growing interest in Asia.

Economic argument:

  • Economic engagement with China allows China to integrate into the world economy, which benefits the global consumption and export oriented countries like Singapore.
  • Maintaining SG’s economic growth and the involvement of china into the internal games.

Political argument:

  • Better engagement into regional organisations like ASEAN, coupled with economic integration, promotes adherence to “contemporary norms of international behavior” (Khong, 1999, p112)
    • Is China rejecting norms because of ignorance and political-cultural /ideological differences though?
  • Singapore’s not as strategic as we think; Not significant enough to be a proxy for USA to balance against China, and we are better off balancing with China.
  • Lesser of Two Evils: China and USA are unlikely to obey international law but since China is closer, they pose a greater threat if we don’t forge friend ties with her.

Social argument:

  • Leaning on US will make us lose our unique cultural identity.
  • It is also not beneficial to our relations with our neighbours.
    • Need to strike a balance at best.

Politics:

  • Inherent biases: View of a benign USA and its adherence to international law.
    • (but what about the Iraq war, and other violations to UN)
    • Roles of regimes in producing beliefs

 

Hedging

Kuik Cheng Chwee:

  • States should adopt a ‘middle’ position (p159)
  • Policies reflect opportunism of small states, and are undertaken so as exploit the power competition between larger power, and to create legitimacy for the ruling elites and enhance their authority at home (p159)

Khong, Y.F:

  • Build up a strong military posture, as part of a three prong approach, which would make Singapore a strong partner and prevent it from being a “push-over” by any powers. (p113)

Works cited:

Kuik Cheng-Chwee. (2008) “The Essence of Hedging- Malaysia and Singapore’s Response to a Rising China,” Contemporary Southeast Asia 30(2)- 159-185.pdf

Khong, Y.F. (1999) “Singapore: A Time for Political and Economic Engagement,” in Alastair lain Johnston and Robert S. Ross (eds.), Engaging China: the Management of an Emerging Power (London: Routledge), 109-127

 

More info:

http://www.britishchamber.cn/content/trans-pacific-partnership-agreement-vs-one-belt-one-road-initiative

https://www.mti.gov.sg/MTIInsights/Pages/TPP.aspx

 

Related readings:

https://deskbounded.wordpress.com/2016/02/25/stephen-m-walt-alliances-balancing-and-bandwagoning-in-aj-124-131/

https://deskbounded.wordpress.com/2016/01/30/stephen-van-evera-offense-defense-and-the-causes-of-war-international-security-vol-22-no-4-spring-1998-pp-5-43/

 

Karen Celis , Sarah Childs , Johanna Kantola & Mona Lena Krook (2008) RETHINKING WOMEN’S SUBSTANTIVE REPRESENTATION, Representation, 44:2, 99-110, DOI: 10.1080/00344890802079573

Introduction

In this article, the authors show that the feminist approach to understanding representation reveal insights, like a broader scope of actors and mediums, and a more dynamic understanding of trustee and delegate relationship with their constituencies, and develop a new approach to assess substantive representation of women (SRW).

There are 4 dimensions of representations :

  1. Formal
  2. Descriptive
  3. Substantive
  4. Symbolic

Feminist scholars focus on the relationship between descriptive and substantive representation – do more women representatives lead to greater support and attention for women’s policy concern?
But there are 3 criticism to the feminist approach:

  1. Fail to account for men who support or could potentially support women’s policy and represent women
  2. Not all women have the same objectives (different needs and priorities) – ‘women’ is not a homogenous group
  3. Only focus on substantive representation of one group of actors – parliamentary representatives

Authors argue that we need a wider scope – take into account more actors – and question conditions and processes leading to substantive representation:

  1. “Who claims to act for women?” (pg 99)
  2. “Where, why, and how does substantive representation of women (SRW) occur?” (pg 99)

This approach “does not presume that the SRW require a ‘critical mass’ of women, but rather explores the many ways in which ‘critical actors’ in various locations may seek to promote what they regard as women’s concerns.” (pg 100)

Mainstream Theories of Political Representation

Mainstream Theories

  1. Formalistic representation (pg 100):
    1. “formal bestowing of authority”
    2. “representatives are held to account for what they do”
    3. “regardless of quality of their interventions”
  2. Descriptive representation (pg 100):
    1. “correspondence between the characteristics of the representative and the represented.”
    2. “emphasis on the composition of a political institution rather than activities”
  3. Symbolic representation (pg 100):
    1. “resides largely in the attitudes and beliefs of the represented”
    2. “open to manipulation by representatives”
    3. “involve images that are largely arbitrary and thus have little or no real meaning.”
  4. Substantive representation (pg 100-101):
    1. “representatives are responsive to the represented”
    2. Delegates operate on a “mandate” from the representatives
    3. Representatives can be empowered to act on the behalf of those represented – “as an independent trustee”
    4. “assumes a relatively static notion of interests”
    5. Uni-directional

Jane Mansbridge 2003: Delegates and trustees

  1. Gyroscopic representation:
    • Representatives appeal to his own understanding of what needs to be done
  2. Surrogate representation:
    • Representatives appeal to shared “values or identities” (pg 101)
  3. Anticipatory representation:
    • Appeal to what he thinks that the constituents will approve of at the next elections

Michael Saward 2006:

  1. Representative claims:
    1. Anyone can claim to be ‘fit’ to represent
    2. Claim to know what the constituency requires, or that he has a set of interests that will benefit them.
    3. “Dynamic, performative, and constitutive” (pg 102)
    4. “open up these processes to incorporate a broader range of actors, contexts, objects, and outcomes” (pg 102)

Feminist Research on Political Representation

Links between “women in political office” and ‘”women-friendly” policy outcomes’:

  1. First type of Feminist literature
    1.  Arguments:
      1. Anne Phillips 1995:
        1. Sex of representative dictates how they will act
        2. Political context: “situations of mistrust or uncrystallised interests.”
        3. “Need for descriptive representation in order to achieve some amount of substantive representation.” (pg 102)
      2. Other feminist:
        1. ‘Women’ have very different interests – representatives won’t know what ‘women’ want
        2. But more women representatives creates a higher likelihood of having women interests represented.
    2. Criticisms:
      1. Attitudinal:
        1. “female parliamentarians often report feeling an obligation to represent women” (pg 102)
        2. Females representatives also recognised the existance of “women interests” and share the same opinions as voters
      2. Behavioural:
        1. “Presence often leads to changes in political discourses”
        2. “shifts in parliamentary practices and working hours”
      3. But number alone do not correlate with policy gains
        1. Critical mass not sufficient
        2. Having critical actors is more important
  2. Second type of feminist literature:
    1. Two alternative sources of policy changes:
      1. Women movements
      2. State agencies
    2. State feminism
      1. How much do “women’s policy machineriesreflect women’s movement demands when seeking to elaborate social and economic policies that may be beneficial to women as a group” ?
      2. What conditions determine the success of women’s policy agencies in bringing attention to women’s interest?
        1. “open or closed nature of the policy sub-system”
        2. “party in power”
        3. “unity and commitment of the women’s movement” to the issue
      3. Multiple mediums of representation
        1. Legislation – Studying individual’s articulation
        2. Women movements & Women’s policy agencies – Studying the “collective processes of interest articulation”

Towards a New Conceptual Framework

Studying Representation: Identifying critical actors + broader scope of actors + dynamic relationship between representative and represented

  • Who acts in SRW?
    • ‘Critical actors’: individuals or agencies who initiate policy proposals
    • “Parliamentarians,” “male and female legislators, minister, party members, bureaucrats, and members of civil society groups.” (pg 104)
    • because ‘conditions’ often determine whether an actor can act for women, and so it is not always about the presence of political will
  • Where does SRW occur? – through what medium
    • Multiple locations
      • “national parliaments,” “different… levels of government, namely supranational, national, regional, and local political assemblies… political forums, like legislatures, cabinets, women’s policy agencies, non-governmental organisations, and civil society… courts and constitutions.” (pg 104)
    • Location provides a platform for actors to make claims to be representative of women, determining who gets to speak and under what terms.
    • Eg. A Women constitutency in the context of social democratic discourse can use (strategy) an image as mother to create an image of collective community
  • Why is SRW attempted? – for what reasons & motivations
    • There are many interpretations of ‘women interests’: “autonomy and well-being of women…c0ncerns that belong to the private sphere… any issues of concern to the broader society.”
    • “strategic interest” + “practical interests”; Representation as “a performance of claim making”; Substantive representation as “a process of interest articulation during which a multitude of interests and perspectives can be formulated, however these may be defined.”
    • Women interest can be promoted for many reasons. Eg. Push for work-life balance for women can shift from a feminist meaning to a market-oriented strategy so as to fulfil the political and economic priorities of a state
  • How is SRW expressed?
    • Not just by Voting
    • Other expressions: “drafting bills, participating in public debates, and lobbying legislators and colleages”

w

 

 

Alden, C. and Aran, A. (2012) Foreign Policy Analysis: New Approaches (Abingdon: Routledge). (Chapters 1 and 2).

These chapters provide a brief history, theoretical influences and their critiques in Foreign policy studies.

Chapter 1 – Foreign Policy Analysis

Introduction:

What is Foreign Policy Analysis?

  • “the study of the conduct and practice of relations between different actors, primarily states, in the international system.” (pg 1)
  • Studies the input (individuals and state actors), conditions (existing relations and policies) and outputs (decisions and lack of decisions)
  • Distinct from internal and domestic policies: “inter-state relations and … normative impulse.” (pg 1)
    • Normative: as in objective driven (eg. achieving peace)

Underlying debate of FPA: ‘Structural agency debate’:

  • Constraints of the international system vs human agency

FPA vs other IR studies:

  • Stronger emphasis on agency: Takes into account the role played by individuals, process of policy formulation, and nature of FP choice.
  • Scientific
  • Methodological approaches: “rational choice, human psychology and organisational studies.” (pg 2)

 

Realism: the state,national interest and foreign policy

The dominance of realism:

  • Unable to explain foreign policy outcomes.

Realism assumes:

  • International anarchy -> material wealth secures survival
  • National interest = power
  • Foreign policy = power seeking
  • Cooperation only possible under a few limited conditions determined by self-interest strategies, geography, demography and material interests.

Behaviourism and rationalism

Behaviourism:

  • Study of process of FP making process rather than outcome
  • More focus on the decision makers and their “minds”
  • The method came to be known as ‘rational choice theory,’ which adhered to realism

Imperfect foreign policy outcomes caused by:

  1. Jervis: Psychological and cognitive causes
    • Overwhelming information and cognitive limit of men
    • Inclination to select second-best policy option
  2. Kenneth Boulding:
    • Group dynamics + constraints posed by crises

Bureaucratic politics and foreign policy

The role and influence of actors within the state on FP:

  • “conflicting outlooks and demands of foreign policy bureaucracies” (pg 6) such as the ministries, departments and agencies
  • “parochial concerns over considerations of national interests” (pg 6)

Methodology:

  • “Organisational theory and sociology… institutional motivations and procedures”
  • “interplay between leaders, bureaucratic actors, orgnisational culture and, to an extent, political factors outside the formal apparatus of the state.”

Domestic structures and foreign policy

The domestics and social factors of FP:

  • effects of natural attribtutes: resources, size, location, industries
  • effects of nature of political institutions in the state, distinguishable feautres of society, and channels of interaction between state and society

Democratic Peace Theory:

  • Society produced more peaceful FP towards other democracies
  • Domestic support for violence against non-democracies

Pluralism: linkage politics and foreign policy

A plurality of actors within the state, and between states, eroded primacy of state power over FP:

  • State
  • Sub-state
  • Non-state actors

Uses rationalist model:

  • Putnam: ‘two-level game’
    • Studies an interplay of interests within a domestic context

Three critiques of ‘Classical’ FPA: bringing in the state, globalisation and change

  • FPA and the state
    • lack a “conception of a state… nothing more than the various actors” (pg 9)
    • Without a firm reference point (the state), analysis can start looking inwards from anywhere, and so FP is formulated at random
    • State becomes an arena, and not an actor by itself
    • Putnam’s two-level game: simultaenouly subjected to pressures of domestic and external realms more accurately captures the conception of a state; but insufficient as a conception of a state
  • FPA and globalisation
    • Substantive gaps: FPA fails to theorise how globalisation changes the way people conceive of space and time differences between people from other places; need a different social theory to capture the effect of space and time difference
  • FPA and change
    • FPA do not provide adequate explanation to why FP positions can be significantly altered
    • Need to reflect:
      • Loss aversion by individuals and organisations, loss of status quo, and resistance to change
      • New wave of Democratisation and foreign policy changes

Conclusion and the study of IR

FPA and middle-range theory

  • Employ new methodologies and engages IR to stay relevant

 

Chapter 2 – Foreign Policy Decision Making

Rationality and foreign policy decision making

Rational Choice Theory:

  • Maximisation of utility as the aim of actorrs
  • Rigorous and consistent approach
  • Cost-benefit analysis
  • Hierarchy of ends?
    • some rationalists prioritise security and wealth maximisation as the ends of FP
    • eg. Sovereignty
  • Assumes self-interest and unitary actor

Game Theory

  • Matrix approach
  • Different games developed to illustrate conditions, decision making process and outcomes: from ‘Prisoner’s dilemma’ to ‘Chicken’
  • Application of Game theory and rationalism
    • Nuclear strategy
      • Prisoner’s dilemma: “strategic balancing with imperfect information”
      • Explains how brinkmanship can produce a credible deterrence
    • International trade
      • Two-level game: two separate environments (international and domestic arena). Only by having shared interest can politicians arrive at a win-set.
    • Democratic peace theory
      • Flow of information determines the understanding of potential gains and losses, enabling peaceful FP.
      • Non-democracies create information asymmetries, result in FP conflict
  • Application of game theory relies on the assumption that policy makers share those perceptions, and so their lack of explicit recognition is a problem for validating the theory.

Challenging rational decision making: the role of psychology, cognition and personality

  • A critique of rational decision making
    • Challenging the objectivity of decisions by focusing on the human agent:
      • Reality as subjective and influenced by “a myriad of perceptual biases and cognitive stimuli” (pg 20)
      • Complexity of decisions that includes “individual biases and bureaucratic processes” (pg 20)
      • Decision maker’s beliefs, prejudices, and cognitive limitations
    • The role of perception
      • Mispeception: FP are based on perception than ‘actual “operational environment”‘ (pg 21)
    • The role of cognition
      • Awareness
      • Cognitive consistency and dissonance
      • Role of learning
      • Operational code: personal rules that guides one’s actions
      • Satisficising or optimal decisions
    • The role of personality
      • Personality and emotions results in inclinations that affect the way the decision maker comes to a decision
      • Leadership styles
        • Systemic: rationalist, Cost-benefit
        • Judicial: task-oriented
        • Intuitive: non-rational
      • Risk appetite
    • The role of the group
      • Group think

 

Critique of the foreign policy decision-making approach

  • Psychology showed that at least “several levels of analysis” are required
  • Psychology and rationalism does address how collective construction of reality (Constructivism) and social norms affects how bigger groups make decisions.
    • Roles of norm entrepreneurs
  • Decision implementer also have ability of determining how policies are implemented
    • Needs more analysis

Reconciling rational and non-rational approaches: bounded rationality, cybernetics and poliheuristics

  • Procedural Rationality or Bounded Rationality used in the face of policy dilemma: making the best decision with limited information and processing power
  • Cybernetics processing approach: integrating analytical, cybernetic and cognitive
  • Poliheuristics method: two-stage process; distinguish compulsory from non-compulsory decisions (no tradeoff in domestic context. Decisions becomes rationally chosen when there is political tradeoffs and effects on political survivability.

Conclusions

 

 

*Haque, M. Shamsul, “Citizen Participation in Governance Through Representation: The Issue of Gender in East Asia.” International Journal of Public Administration, Vol.26, No.5, 2003, pp.601-622.

Introduction

Why is it necessary to have citizen participation in democracies?

  1. Citizen participation increases”public confidence in governing institutions.” (pg 570)
  2. Citizen participation enables citizens to contribute to policy making, which result in policies that reflect the needs of people. (pg 570)
  3. Citizen participation are a key component to effective feedback channel so as to evaluate and monitor the effectively of government policies, and also to identify issues early. (pg 570)

What are the effective modes of citizen participation?

  1. More concrete and effective:
    1. Direct representation at “various levels of power hierarchy.” (pg570)
  2. Less effective in influencing policy:
    1. Community level decision-making
    2. Voting/balloting
    3. Informal means like using media to influence policy

Central concern in citizen participation through representation:

  • How to best represent all sections of society?
  • Emerging issue: Gender representation
    1. The adequacy of gender representation in public institutions is associated with the degree of good governance, modernisation, and democracy.
    2. Growing need for female workforce as a result of globalisation (rising demand for export, increasing domestic consumption, and meeting changing perception of female roles)

Opposing forces for gender representation in the context of Asia:

  1. Western influences/modern elements that support equality in gender representation:
    1. Political Democratisation
    2. Modernisation
    3. Globalisation
  2. Traditional structures that suppress and limit women participation:
    1. Cultural norms
    2. Social norms

 

Growing Significance Of Women’s Participation: A General Overview

Obstacles to female representation rooted in social powers:

  • “various cultures, religions, and civilizations.” (pg571)

Triggers for change:

  • ” major historical phenomena, including the industrial revolution, the emergence of capitalism, the socialist revolution, and anti-colonial movements, which began to expand women’s role and representation in education, politics, business, and bureaucracy in various regions of the world.” (pg571)
  • Recognition that gender representation is “a basic dimension of democratic governance,” (pg571) and necessary for ensuring equal rights for women, creating trust and legitimacy of rule, meet women’s needs, and effective use of all manpower.
  • Growing demand for participation in public organisations

International measures taken to promote female representation:

  1. Legal measures
    1. Convention on the Political Rights of Women (1952)
    2. Discrimination (Employment and Occupation) Convention (1958)
    3. Convention against Discrimination in Education (1960)
    4. Declaration on the Elimination of Violence Against Women (1967)
    5. Convention  on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (1979)
  2. Education
    1. Gender-related publications
    2. Workshops
    3. Conferences, debates, and deliberations
  3. Results:
    1. “academic and practical initiatives, measures, and institutions mentioned above, indicates the growing global significance of gender representation.” (pg573)

    2. Women “remain largely under-represented in the public sector, business, employment, and income.” (pg573)
    3. “Within the realm of governance, the global average of women’s representation in all parliaments and ministries is still below 15%.” (pg573)

Women’s Representation In Governance In East Asia: The Contemporary Situation

What is the status of women’s participation and representation in East Asia in major domains of governance?

  1. Legislature and cabinet
    • Percentage of legislative seats occupied by women in 2011 (Sources: pg574 of Citizen Participation in Governance Through Representation: The Issue of Gender in East Asia, as taken from Center for Asia-Pacific Women in Politics, Women in Legislative Chambers: Asia-Pacific Region, 2000 [http://www.capwip.org/participation/ womenchambers.html]; United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), Human Development Report 2001, New York: Oxford University Press, 2001.) :

      1. Sweden: 42.7%
      2. New Zealand: 30.8%
      3. Germany: 30.4%
      4. Taiwan: 18.7%
      5. Malaysia: 14.5%
      6. Japan: 10.8%
      7. Indonesia: 8%
      8. Singapore: 6.5%
      9. South Korea: 5.9%
      10. Brazil: 5.9%
  2. Ministerial and sub-ministerial (deputy, assistant ministers, secretaries of state, perm secretaries, etc.)
    • Percentage of ministerial and sub-ministerial positions held by women (Sources: pg575 of Citizen Participation in Governance Through Representation: The Issue of Gender in East Asia, as taken from UNDP, Human Development Report 1999, New York: Oxford University Press, 1999.) :
      1. Sweden: 38.1%, 27.3%
      2. Canada: 18.5%, 17.6%
      3. Australia: 14.7%, 25.9%
      4. Philippines: 4.5%,25.3%
      5. Coasta Rica: 11.1%, 35.2%
      6. Colombia: 12.5%, 22.6%
      7. Japan: 5.9%, 10.1%
      8. China: 6.1%, 3.9%
      9. South Korea: 3.0%, 0.6%
      10. Indonesia: 3.6%, 1.6%
  3. Administrative services (“senior administrators, chief executives, and corporate managers” (pg 576))
    • Representation in East Asia is better than South Asia
    • Representation in Asia is worst than Europe, South America and Central America
  4. Professional and technical jobs
    • Higher percentage of representation in East Asia (China, Japan, and South Korea) then in India, Pakistan and Sri Lanka, but lower than Southeast Asian countries, European and Western countries.
  5. Private sector:
    1. Trend of low female representation in Asia reflected in private sector
    2. Poor representation in public sector do not result in higher representation in higher representation in the private sector; this suggests that there could be an under cause for lack of representation in both public and private.

The Major Factors Affecting Women’s Involvement In Governance In East Asia

Haque concluded that there are five major factors affecting the degree of female representation (pg578):

  1. Demographic Factors
    1. Gender-based rates
    2. Level of literacy
    3. Demand and supply of labor force
  2. Ideological prespectives
  3. Socio-cultural norms and outlooks
    1. Socio-cultural norms:
      1. Privileging family relations require women to prioritise their duty to family over other issues.
      2. Inferior status of women under the influence of Confucianism.
      3. “Male heredity and inheritance” (pg581) creates unequal allocation of resources (and power), unfairly disadvantaging women within the household.
    2. Cultural stereotypes
      1. “Women’s primary responsibility” (pg580)
      2. Women lacked experience in the public domain, politics and administration
      3. “the public domain is mainly for men while the private household domain is for women” (pg581)
      4. “Women’s involement in the public sphere… should be an extension of their roles in the private family sphere.” (pg581)
  4. “Public perceptions and attitudes towards expected roles of women in various domains.” (pg581)
    1. Implications on opportunities available for women: reduces avenues to participate in governance
    2. Implications on motivation of women: discourages them from action
    3. Some progress have been made by modernisation, democratising processes, and globalisation, and these process have national and regional variations.
  5. Political parameters
    1. “Lack of political will” (pg582): E.g. less attention given to gender-related politics
    2. “Absence of a ‘critical mass’ of women in politic” (pg582)
    3. “‘All boys network.'” (pg582)

Implications, Trends, And Alternatives

  1. Implications of low representation
    1. Political implications
      1. “Democracy and state legitimacy” (pg584)
      2. “Authenticity and credibility” (pg584)
    2. Economic
      1. Sub-optimal use of human resources and competitiveness, or waste of resources
    3. Administrative
      1. Policies fail to represent all sectors of the population – not responsive to female-related issues
  2. Current trends of gender-related initiatives
    1. (As highlighted above) Internation legal pressures and practical approaches to educating women
  3. Haque’s suggestions of alternative policies to enhance female representation:
    1. Approach: “normative and attiduinal” (pg586)
      1. Changing norms and attitudes: “appropriate cultural, educational, and informational policies and programs.” (pg586)
      2. Constitutional-legal means:
        1. “adopt effective constitutional and legal provisions in favor of gender equality in vairous spheres of society, including governance.”(pg586)
        2. Affirmative Action (most concrete): Quotas and pro-female programs in political parties, agencies and institutions
      3. Politics:
        1. Major political parties, and in various domains of governance, to expand party representation of women